ABOUT THIS COLLECTION

The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy (AJELP) is an interdisciplinary online publication that examines environmental issues from legal, scientific, economic, and public policy perspectives. This student-run journal publishes articles on a rolling basis with the intention of providing timely legal and policy updates of interest to the environmental community.

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  • Table of Contents

    The University of Arizona James E. Rogers College of Law (Tucson, AZ), 2010
  • Davis v. Agua Sierra Resources: Bringing Some Clarity to Groundwater Rights in Arizona

    Schaffer, Robert G. (The University of Arizona James E. Rogers College of Law (Tucson, AZ), 2010)
    For the better part of a century, the Arizona Supreme Court played a dominant role in shaping Arizona’s approach to groundwater. From the adoption of the first territorial water code in 1864 to the enactment of the Groundwater Management Act (“GMA”) in 1980, the Arizona legislature was content to remain largely in the background, leaving some of the most important decisions about groundwater regulation to the courts. Those decisions witnessed Arizona’s transformation from a state dependent on agriculture and mining to one of the fastest-growing, most water-limited states in the West. Although the GMA has done much to shift control of groundwater regulation to the legislature, the courts continue to affect the development of legal principles applicable to groundwater, though on a much more limited scale. In particular, since the passage of the GMA, the Arizona Supreme Court has increasingly deferred to the legislature when confronted with important decisions about the state’s limited water resources. (excerpt from Introduction)
  • Alaska Tribes' Melting Subsistence Rights

    Ristroph, Elizabeth Barrett (The University of Arizona James E. Rogers College of Law (Tucson, AZ), 2010)
    Subsistence foods are distinct from those that line grocery stores’ shelves throughout the United States. Mother Nature offers no guarantee that a particular kind of food will be available on demand. The Food and Drug Administration does not provide quality assurance. To procure, protect, and store subsistence foods throughout the year, Alaska Native subsistence users must use their traditional knowledge. When the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) was enacted by the United States Congress in 1971, many Alaska Natives saw it as an encroachment on their subsistence rights. Over the last few decades, another threat to the ability of Alaska Natives to meet their subsistence needs has emerged--climate change. Climate change impacts the availability and safety of subsistence foods, the costs and risks of subsistence activities, and the very knowledge on which subsistence depends. While there are laws and programs in place to address some of the environmental and health impacts related to climate change, there is little to ensure that Alaska Natives will be able to continue their traditional subsistence lifestyles. This article suggests that climate change impacts subsistence-dependent Alaska Natives more than the Lower 48 Natives and other United States populations. The first part of the article discusses research and observations from the 2000s, suggesting that climate change affects the Alaskan environment more than that of any other state. It also considers how climate change affects subsistence and Alaska Natives’ control over their subsistence activities. The second part of the article considers how the legal and political framework unique to Alaska limits the ability of Alaska tribes to control land and resources needed for subsistence. Finally, the article considers whether any non-tribal entity will be able to protect Alaska Natives’ subsistence interests in the face of escalating climate change. There are a number of caveats regarding this article’s analysis of climate change. First, it is based on the premise that the earth has embarked on a period of overall warming, exacerbated by anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions. There are still a large number of Americans who disagree with this premise. Second, many of the observations included in the article are based on weather changes, and the distinction between weather change and climate change is not always clear. Publicity surrounding climate change may influence interpretation of weather observations, whether or not this is appropriate. Third, the impacts of climate change cannot be understood in isolation from other changes, particularly those associated with economic development and rapid social and cultural change. Finally, there are 229 federally recognized tribes in Alaska. Alaska tribes have different cultures and economic situations and may have different views on the impacts of climate change.
  • Blame Game: Thoughts on the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill

    Rollings, Elizabeth (The University of Arizona James E. Rogers College of Law (Tucson, AZ), 2010)
    The Gulf Coast of Mexico will never be the same. Even after billions of dollars are spent on clean-up efforts,1 the Gulf’s $234 billion dollar economy2 will not be bouncing back quickly, nor will the natural habitats of birds, fish and other marine life that call the Gulf home. Months after the explosion of the Deepwater Horizon oil rig, there is little consensus on exactly how many gallons of oil spilled into the ocean3 and although the leak is now capped, concerns linger as experts work to permanently close the damaged pipeline.4 The far-reaching effects of the spill raise the question of responsibility. Was poor regulatory oversight by the U.S. government the weak linchpin that led to the failure of safeguards? Or does most of the blame belong to British Petroleum (“BP”), the company in charge of operations the day of the accident? Did BP’s greed for greater profit lead to risky drilling practices that caused the accident? As we struggle to measure the environmental damage, implement clean-up operations, and help the thousands of people who depend on fishing and tourism in the Gulf, a central question remains: Who is to blame for the accident?
  • The Return of King Solomon: The Gulf Coast Claims Facility from the Perspective of the 9/11 Fund

    Hall, Patrick (The University of Arizona James E. Rogers College of Law (Tucson, AZ), 2010)
  • Not In My Backyard: The United States’ Struggle to Find Appropriate Hazardous and Toxic Waste Dump Sites

    Patterson, Clarence, III (The University of Arizona James E. Rogers College of Law (Tucson, AZ), 2010)
    Introduction: Consumption is accompanied by waste. Some individuals try to create as little waste as possible by recycling, reusing, or buying products with environmentally friendly packaging. On the other end of the spectrum, there are people who do not care about the waste they create and simply throw their trash in garbage, hoping someone else will take of the problem. Whichever side you more closely identify with, the fact is everyone produces toxic and hazardous waste. While “toxic” and “hazardous” may conjure thoughts of nuclear weapons, these types of wastes are used in an average day. The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) lists common items such as pesticides, fertilizers, x-ray waste, home-cleaning products, and dry cleaning chemicals as toxic waste. Additionally, EPA classifies ordinary businesses such as hospitals, automobile repair shops, exterminators, and chemical refineries as hazardous waste generators. The public generates such waste directly by using these goods, or indirectly by using products that were manufactured or assembled with hazardous or toxic waste. Toxic and hazardous waste has potentially been linked to cancer, cardiovascular diseases, and central nervous system disorders. Additionally, the long-term effects of being around such waste are not yet fully understood, but the consequences could include death. With unknown long-term effects and potential deadly effects, the proper location for toxic and hazardous waste disposal is an issue that has sparked heated debates between socioeconomic classes, races, and political parties.
  • Solar Energy's Cloudy Future

    Glennon, Robert; Reeves, Andrew M. (The University of Arizona James E. Rogers College of Law (Tucson, AZ), 2010)
    With governments and environmental groups both clamoring for clean alternatives to fossil fuels, the future of solar energy looks bright. To date, however, solar power produces less than one percent of the U.S.’s electricity needs and, despite unprecedented subsidies since the 2009 passage of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, very few utility-scale solar projects have broken ground. Solar remains an emerging technology not yet price competitive with fossil fuels, but this efficiency gap alone does not account for the lack of a burgeoning utility-scale solar market--especially when subsidies are considered. Instead, as this article explains, large land and water requirements for utility-scale solar technologies, the arduous permitting process required for proposed sites on public lands, disincentives created by a preference for agriculture, and stringent objections from politicians and environmentalists toward actually siting utility-scale solar projects better explain the state of solar power in the United States. This article will suggest that solar companies would be wise to focus their efforts to site their projects on private or tribal lands. And, it will suggest that, if solar is ever going to contribute significantly to this country’s energy needs, we must minimize disincentives and strike a balance between the opposing environmental goals of preserving pristine land and reducing carbon emissions.
  • Working Rivers and Working Landscapes: Using Short-Term Water Use Agreements to Conserve Arizona's Riparian and Agricultural Heritage

    Citron, Aaron (The University of Arizona James E. Rogers College of Law (Tucson, AZ), 2010)
    Desert water--our streams and rivers, springs, ponds and pools--allows both human and natural communities to survive in the arid Southwest. The working landscapes--farms and ranches--that span our watersheds are part of an intricate system of natural and man-made elements that support and protect rural communities, biodiversity, cultural resources, and sweeping western vistas. Traditionally, river systems and watersheds were maintained by a balance between natural processes and human uses: fire, flood, and grazing herbivores. These influences provided a mosaic of “disturbances” that allowed diverse biota to thrive in riparian habitats.1 The combined stressors of drought, climate change, and economic growth have upset this balance. Many water conservation and restoration projects are being undertaken in Arizona with varying degrees of success. Few of these projects take into account the importance of the symbiotic relationship between human and natural use of water systems and riparian and river health. By incentivizing partnerships that address the needs of this symbiotic relationship, the State of Arizona may be able to reach a condition of lasting water and landscape resilience. Arizona’s water management regime provides few incentives for landowners to proactively conserve and manage their water in a manner that balances natural resources with human use. Most water conservation mechanisms available require a choice between agricultural water use and environmental flows. But ranchers, farmers, and rural landowners have put water to a beneficial use for generations and have stewarded our vast working landscapes and watersheds. Working landscapes can act as a modern continuation of historic disturbance: “occasional trampling by livestock, or periodic disturbance of bank and stream channels by livestock, may mimic natural forms of disturbance that recreate early successional stages favorable for population expansion.” Active management can be utilized to mimic the most beneficial aspects of historic use. This can be accomplished through incentivized partnerships such as short-term water and groundwater use agreements with agricultural landowners to protect native fish populations, surface flows, and riparian habitat. Short-term water use agreements are private contractual agreements in which a water user agrees not to pump or divert water for a period of time. Depending upon the needs of the particular hydrologic and ecologic system that is targeted for conservation, an appropriate surface water or groundwater use agreement may be implemented for a term of months or for a period of less than five years, so to not risk forfeiture of a surface water right.4 Short-term agreements can be tailored to mimic seasonal flood flows or provide water to help reestablish riparian vegetation. The water right or claim does not change hands; rather, its use is temporarily contractually dedicated to a conservation purpose, allowing the continuation of agricultural or other water uses.
  • The International Whaling Commission: All Bark, No Bite

    Brooks, Lauren (The University of Arizona James E. Rogers College of Law (Tucson, AZ), 2010)
    Introduction: On June 21, 2010, the International Whaling Commission (“IWC”), with its stated goal as “provid[ing] for the proper conservation of whale stocks and ... orderly development of the whaling industry[,]” “““Int’l commenced its annual meeting in Agadir, Morocco. Among the most noteworthy agenda items was a discussion about ending the Commission’s twenty-five year ban on commercial whaling and allowing nations to resume such operations under strict regulation. Predictably, the IWC, which is comprised of representatives from each of its eighty-eight member countries, found it impossible to reach an agreement. Those nations whose economies have historically thrived due to whaling profits argued for the reinstatement of commercial whaling, while the non-whaling countries cited urgent conservation concerns as the reason for leaving the ban intact. Unable to resolve these differences, the IWC took no action and decided to revisit the issue during its 2011 meeting. So, for the time being, it would appear that the earth’s whales are protected from the over-exploitation that has run rampant within the whaling industry since its start. Unfortunately, things are not always as they appear. The unsettling truth is that it makes little difference whether the ban is lifted or remains in effect. Nations belonging to the IWC and who have pledged adherence to its regulations are presently hunting whales, despite the ban’s existence, with no plans to stop. The most startling fact, perhaps, is that they are doing so legally. The International Convention and accompanying Schedule that govern the whaling industry and that mandated the creation of the IWC9 contain gaping loopholes that allow these countries to whale without any legal repercussions whatsoever.
  • Stewart Udall: Renaissance Man

    Bracy, Terry; Wheeler, Ellen (The University of Arizona James E. Rogers College of Law (Tucson, AZ), 2010)
  • Foreword

    Babbitt, Bruce (The University of Arizona James E. Rogers College of Law (Tucson, AZ), 2010)