Coyote Papers: Volume 22 (2020)
ABOUT THE COLLECTION
Coyote Papers is a publication of the Linguistics Circle, the Graduate Student Organization of the Department of Linguistics at the University of Arizona.
ISSN: 2770-1662 (Online)
ISSN: 0894-4539 (Print)
For more information, visit the Coyote Papers website.
QUESTIONS?
Contact Coyote Papers at coyotepapers@email.arizona.edu.
Recent Submissions
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Escaping siloed phonology: Framing Irish lenition in Emergent GrammarIrish displays a complex mutation system in which regular phonological alternations are sensitive to arbitrary morphological information. The Emergent Grammar (EG) model is well-suited to address this phenomenon. This paper details how the model's technology accounts for the phonological regularity and morphological opacity of lenition in Irish.
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Resistance, Consciousness, and Filipina Hip Hop Identity: A Phonological AnalysisIn this paper, I investigate the phonology and Hip Hop Language of two Filipina American rappers, Ruby Ibarra and Rocky Rivera, and how they express their understandings of identity and language and race, all in the context of Hip Hop and Asian America.
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Dialectal, Gender-Based, and Cross-Generational Variation in Negev Arabic Spatial RepresentationsSpace is a fundamental domain of human thinking, universally experienced, yet culturally specific. I describe variations in linguistic and cognitive projective spatial representations (frames of reference) across dialects, genders, and age groups among the Bedouin Arabs of the Negev. Their tribes preserve a unique, culture-specific system of spatial representations.
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A-Movement: Successive Cyclic or One Fell Swoop?This paper discusses A-movement, focusing on its successive cyclicity, and argues that it can be both successive cyclic and non-successive cyclic. I claim that whether A-movement is successive cyclic or not depends on how Merge applies, proposing that the structure-building operation plays a key role in determining the successive cyclicity.
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Immediate-local MERGE as pair-MergeOne of the structure-building operations—pair-Merge/adjunction—is conceptually implied to be dispensable in the minimalist MERGE model. This article proposes that immediate-local MERGE (IL-MERGE)—extremely local application of internal MERGE—yields the asymmetric property of adjunction. IL-MERGE forms {a, {a, b}} that is equivalent of <a, b> built by pair-Merge.
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Unifying Labeling under Minimal Search in "Single-" and "Multiple-Specifier" ConfigurationsBuilding on recent proposals of Chomsky (2013, 2015), we explore a definition of minimal search that allows an elegant (since simple) analysis of multiple nominative subjects in Japanese, and the absence of such subjects in English. We propose an analysis yielding these results unifying labeling under minimal search in single- and multiple-specifier configurations.